Happy birthday To The Black Panther Party leader Fred Hampton

Happy birthday To The Black Panther Party leader Fred Hampton

Fred Hampton is a hero in the struggle for Black liberation, revolution and socialism He should be remembered and his example should be followed by all progressive and revolutionary people Hampton was the Deputy Chairman from the Illinois branch of the Black Panther Party. He was one of the most dynamic leaders in the Black Panther Party nationally until he was cut down in cold blood by the government at the age of 21

On Dec. 4, 1969 Fred Hampton was assassinated while sleeping in his bed by a tactical unit of the Cook County, Illinois State’s Attorney’s Office, in conjunction with the Chicago Police Department and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Fellow Black Panther Mark Clark was also assassinated that night. The murder of Hampton and Clark was part of the FBI’s plan to disrupt and neutralize the Black liberation movement and the Black Panther Party specifically.

Despite his young age, Fred Hampton made tremendous contributions to the movement for black liberation, working class revolution and socialism in the U.S. His example still shines and inspires people fighting for change almost 40 years later.

What Did Fred Hampton Do?

Fred Hampton was born in 1948 in Chicago, Illinois and grew up in nearby Maywood. While a teenager he got involved in the NAACP and his leadership abilities quickly became clear as he led campaigns to improve services in the Black community When the Black Panther Party became established in Illinois, Hampton joined in 1968 and became a Party leader.

Hampton’s work over the next year made the Chicago Black Panthers one of the biggest and most successful chapters in the country – and therefore also one of the most targeted by the FBI. Fred Hampton did an amazing amount of organizing during his time as a leader in the Black Panther Party, before his assassination. He organized weekly rallies, worked closely with the Black Panther Party’s local People’s Clinic, taught political education classes and launched a project for community supervision of the police. Hampton was instrumental in the Black Panther Party’s Free Breakfast for Children Program. He also engineered a truce between some of Chicago’s street gangs and built alliances with radical and revolutionary organizations of other nationalities, including the Puerto Rican organization Young Lords and the mostly-white organization Students for a Democratic Society.

In their political organizing, Hampton was adamant that the Black Panthers must raise the political consciousness of working and poor Black people toward socialism. He said that people learn through observation and participation, so the Panthers’ programs were modeled to show people in practice what socialism is, and to get them involved so people could learn from their own experiences in the struggle. He always said “all power to the people” – making clear that change is made by the masses of people and that the goal is to win real power, not small reforms that leave the existing power relations in place.

Black Liberation, Proletarian Internationalism and Socialism

Why were the Black Panthers particularly singled out as the supposed ‘greatest internal threat to national security’ by FBI head J. Edgar Hoover? Because they were succeeding in organizing large numbers of Black people to fight for revolutionary change with a socialist vision. They were inspiring hundreds of thousands of people of all nationalities toward revolutionary and socialist politics. They launched programs and campaigns to fight for the felt needs of the masses of poor and working class Black people and organized thousands of mostly young Black people into a revolutionary organization.

They dedicated themselves to overthrowing white supremacist capitalism in the U.S. and replacing it with a socialist system based on the needs of the people. Following in the footsteps of Malcolm X, they upheld the right to armed self-defense. They identified with the national liberation movements and socialist countries in the Third World and they studied the writings of Mao, Fanon, Lenin, Marx, Ho Chi Minh, Che Guevarra, Kim Il Sung and other Third World socialist revolutionaries. The Black Panthers’ socialist politics and identification with anti-imperialist liberation movements around the world caused the ruling class see them as a real threat.

Working Class Stand

“You’re gonna have to keep on saying that – I am the proletariat, I am the people. I am not the pig. You’ve got to make a distinction.” -Fred Hampton

The Black Panthers didn’t mainly focus on organizing the working class as such. They tended to focus attention on the lower sector of the working class in their communities and on the ‘lumpen proletariat’ (poor people who are basically outside of the formal economic system and get by on the ‘informal economy’, hustles, petty crimes and the like), and they also had a large base of support and members from petty bourgeois and student backgrounds. But Fred Hampton always spoke of the working class, the ‘proletariat.’ From his practice it’s clear he was talking about the working class as a whole – including the lower sector and the lumpen, but not just them – the working class as a whole.

In his speech Power Anywhere There’s People, Hampton said:

“We got to face some facts. That the masses are poor, that the masses belong to what you call the lower class, and when I talk about the masses, I’m talking about the white masses, I’m talking about the black masses, and the brown masses, and the yellow masses, too. We’ve got to face the fact that some people say you fight fire best with fire, but we say you put fire out best with water. We say you don’t fight racism with racism. We’re gonna fight racism with solidarity. We say you don’t fight capitalism with no black capitalism; you fight capitalism with socialism.

“We ain’t gonna fight no reactionary pigs who run up and down the street being reactionary; we’re gonna organize and dedicate ourselves to revolutionary political power and teach ourselves the specific needs of resisting the power structure, arm ourselves, and we’re gonna fight reactionary pigs with international proletarian revolution. That’s what it has to be. The people have to have the power: it belongs to the people.”

Hampton also said:

“You know, a lot of people have hang-ups with the Party because the Party talks about a class struggle. We say primarily that the priority of this struggle is class. That Marx and Lenin and Che Guevara and Mao Tse-tung and anybody else that has ever said or knew or practiced anything about revolution always said that a revolution is a class struggle. It was one class – the oppressed, and that other class – the oppressor. And it’s got to be a universal fact. Those that don’t admit to that are those that don’t want to get involved in a revolution, because they know as long as they’re dealing with a race thing, they’ll never be involved in a revolution.”

As can be seen above, Hampton spoke clearly of the fact that there is a multinational working class and that there are poor people of all nationalities. He talked about the need for working class and oppressed people to unite, and he initiated the original “rainbow coalition” of radical and revolutionary forces of different nationalities.

As a leader in the Black Panther Party, Hampton primarily built the Black liberation movement. This basic orientation of building the Black liberation movement is correct, since Black people as a whole suffer national oppression in the U.S., and the fight for Black liberation is vital and is revolutionary. Historically, the Black liberation movement has played a key role as a motor in propelling forward broader movements for change in the U.S.. The Black Panthers definitely played that role, inspiring many other people to come to revolutionary conclusions, and providing inspiration for the formation of organizations similar to the Black Panthers among other oppressed nationalities, such as the Brown Berets, I Wor Kuen, Young Lords Organization and the American Indian Movement.

While based in and building the Black liberation movement, at the same time Hampton correctly emphasized working class leadership within the movement and upheld a working class orientation overall. This was controversial, as some other Black organizations criticized the Panthers for working with white people and people of other nationalities at all and many also criticized the Panthers for focusing so much on class instead of just focusing on racial oppression.

Organize and Involve the Masses – Connect the Day-to-Day Struggle with Revolutionary Goal

“Any program that’s brought into our community should be analyzed by the people of that community. It should be analyzed to see that it meets the relevant needs of that community. That’s what the Breakfast for Children Program is. A lot of people think it’s charity. But what does it do? It takes people from a stage to another stage. Any program that’s revolutionary is an advancing program. Revolution is change. We say that the Breakfast for Children Program is a socialistic program. It teaches the people basically that – by practice. We thought up and let them practice that theory and inspect that theory. What’s more important? And a woman said, “I don’t know if I like communism, and I don’t know if I like socialism. But I know that the Breakfast for Children Program feeds my kids. And if you put your hands on that Breakfast for Children Program…”

Fred Hampton had a great ability to connect the daily struggle for immediate needs (reforms) with the larger revolutionary goal of transforming the whole society. He was able to put in practice and help people understand that we have to fight to improve poor and working people’s lives now through struggle, but without getting stuck in reformism and forgetting the need for revolutionary change. His ability to link the struggle for reforms with the struggle for revolutionary change was one of his greatest talents. Hampton avoided the errors of reformism for its own sake on the one hand, and ‘ultra-left’ revolutionary talk without action on the other hand. Revolutionaries need to learn from Hampton’s ability to put in practice what Marxist-Leninists call the ‘mass line’ – organizing around the particular felt needs of the masses, and out of those particular struggles drawing the general lessons of the need for revolution and socialism to truly win freedom.

Cruelly Murdered for Serving the People

The murder of Fred Hampton is one of the sharpest reminders in recent history of the ruthlessness of the ruling class in the U.S. It shows the naked oppression that the U.S. government won’t hesitate to use when working and oppressed people – particularly oppressed nationalities – start to organize effectively and gain mass support for fundamental change in the interests of poor, working and oppressed people.

There were many black progressive and radical organizations in the late 1960s, and they were all seen as a threat and targeted by the ruling class – whether the pacifist Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the revolutionary nationalist Malcolm X and his Organization for Afro-American Unity or the socialist Black Panthers and their leaders such as Fred Hampton and Huey Newton.

The FBI targeted the Black Panthers nationally, as part of their campaign of harassment and disruption of the Black liberation movement as a whole. Panther offices were raided around the country, prominent leaders were framed up and jailed on bogus charges, different people and groups in the movement were purposely turned against each other by writing fake letters from one group to another and spreading false rumors. And in the case of Fred Hampton, along with Mark Clark, Bunchy Carter and some other Panther leaders, there was outright assassination to try to silence the Panthers’ revolutionary spirit.

As part of this national counterinsurgency campaign against the Panthers, the FBI encouraged and helped the Chicago police launch an all-out assault on the Panthers in Chicago. The Black Panthers leaders were physically attacked and their offices were raided multiple times, including twice in July 1969 and once in October. During these raids over 100 Panthers were arrested. As another form of harassment, in May 1969 Hampton was prosecuted on ridiculous charges of stealing $72 worth of ice cream in Maywood two years earlier, and sentenced to two to five years in jail, though he managed to obtain a bond appeal and was released in August 1969.

The government’s neutralization campaign culminated in the brutal raid on Hampton’s apartment on Dec. 4, 1969 in which he was killed in his sleep, with his pregnant wife in bed next to him. The Chicago Police Department had been given the layout of the apartment by an FBI informant who had infiltrated the Panthers. Hampton was also drugged that night with the powerful barbiturate secobarbitol by the FBI informant so that he wouldn’t wake up during the police assault.

The FBI took a particular interest in Fred Hampton. They opened a file on him in 1967 that over the next two years expanded to twelve volumes and over 4000 pages. By May of 1968, Hampton’s name was placed on the ‘Agitator Index’ and he would be designated a ‘key militant leader for Bureau reporting purposes.’ FBI head J. Edgar Hoover had put in place a policy of trying to ‘neutralize’ key Black leaders, which meant in practice the fate that Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. received in 1965 and 1968 – assassination. National Black Panther leader Huey Newton was also imprisoned on trumped up murder charges and the Party had a national campaign to fight for his freedom, which they ultimately won. By tagging Hampton as a ‘key militant leader’ the FBI put Hampton in the company of those great leaders and he ultimately shared their fate at the brutal hands of the FBI and Chicago police.

Like other Black Panthers, American Indian Movement members and Puerto Rican independence fighters that were killed or jailed on trumped up charges; like socialist and anarchist leaders from earlier generations such as Sacco and Vanzetti or the Rosenbergs who were jailed and executed; and like Black liberation fighters from earlier generations like Nat Turner, Denmark Vessey and Gabriel Prosser, Fred Hampton is part of a tradition of revolutionaries in the U.S. who were cruelly cut down for trying to mobilize the masses of people to challenge the existing order and fight for liberation.

Be Like Fred Hampton – Live for the People

“To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather.” – Mao Zedong

We need to remember and celebrate Fred Hampton We need to popularize his contributions toward Black liberation, proletarian revolution and socialism in the U.S. Fred Hampton’s death was felt deeply by freedom-loving people everywhere. His death was definitely ‘weightier than Mount Tai.’ His contributions were so great in such a short period of time, that like Che Guevara he is still remembered and loved almost 40 years after his death. We must continue to learn from Fred Hampton, and strive to be like Fred Hampton – to serve the people and continue the fight for Black liberation, proletarian revolution and socialism


MUCH OF the Western media portray the downfall

MUCH OF the Western media portray the downfall of Morsi as the result of a military coup But the immediate backdrop was the massive mobilizations on June 30 What the political significance of the military stepping in to push Morsi aside? BEFORE WE talk about the Egyptian military ousting of Morsi, it’s worth recalling that the military was the heir to the first wave of the revolution that began on January 25 and saw the departure of Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011
At that time the army stepped in and tried to guide—ultimately, to hijack—two simultaneous processes One process was the transformation of Egypt set in motion by the uprising, and the other was the political process of drafting and implementing a constitution The army has had a long history in modern Egyptian politics including the overthrow of the monarchy in 1952 and the installation of the Free Officers Movement under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser, an army colonel who became president in 1956. But the army is very different today from what it was then. It’s much bigger, for one. And it’s an army that is not only a political and military power but also a huge economic power because it directly owns big chunks of the Egyptian economy
Another factor is who trains the armed forces During monarchical rule the army had been trained by either the British or the French Under Nasser, the orientation was toward the former USSR and the army  officer corps was largely trained and educated there Today the people leading the army have been trained and educated in U.S. military academies. So on the whole, Egypt military forces now tend to identify with American institutions of power Once the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) took over political leadership after Mubarak in 2011 the army quickly moved to get a constitution ratified This constitution largely benefited the third force in Egyptian politics other than the military on the one hand and the remnants of the Mubarak regime (the Remnants) on the other namely the Muslim Brotherhood Since then the military has relied on the Muslim Brotherhood to contain the revolution The Brotherhood won the first set of elections for parliament and then it won the presidency Though the Brotherhood could claim to have achieved this democratically, the people of Egypt broadly considered the process of ratifying the constitution severely flawed It was written in about a day its approval was rushed through, and it included all kinds of provisions that Morsi after his election, was able to exploit Over the past year Morsi overstepped his mandate in several ways and alienated broad swathes of Egyptian society as it became clear that Morsi was intent on advancing the narrow interests of the Brotherhood rather than advancing the interests of most Egyptians, who were angry at years of privation, repression and poverty Morsi  attack on the Coptic Christian minority in order to buttress his support among Islamists is one obvious example. But it went much further than that I think the most important moment to understand in order to make sense of how we arrived at the present situation was late last year when Morsi was being hailed by the American media as “the most important man in the Middle East as a Time magazine cover story put it This was immediately after he helped negotiate a settlement between Israel and Gaza in the wake of Israel’s Operation Pillar of Cloud I was in Egypt at that time and the Time cover article hit the newsstands just as tens of thousands of people took to the streets to protest Morsi attempt to force through an emergency decree that basically aimed at consolidating power in his hands. That sparked a big revival in the opposition movement. Morsi  forces then pushed back, and there were harsh attacks on protesters. But it was clear that all the aspirations raised by the revolution remained unfilled Looking back it’s remarkable how quickly Morsi and the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party could alienate such a massive number of people. The Tamarod (Rebellion) movement set out to reclaim what organizers considered to be the aims of the revolution: bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity. These are slogans that mean a better life for most Egyptians Tamarod organizers set out to collect 15 million signatures on a petition calling on Morsi to resign Ultimately they got 22 million signatures in a period of roughly six weeks an incredible accomplishment. They set June 30—the one-year anniversary of Morsi inauguration as president—as a day of protest across Egypt for everyone mobilized by the petition campaign I don’t think that anyone could have predicted the amazing outcome. The BBC described the mobilization on June 30 as the biggest demonstration in human history This was an astonishing outpouring of sympathy and solidarity People were in the streets in every major and minor city in the country Most striking was that support for Morsi in the South of the country—which is the historic center and key base for the Brotherhood—virtually evaporated For a number of reasons the South is historically poorer and more religious—not unlike rural areas in many parts of the world, including the U.S. South. It’s also heavily dependent on tourism thus the Southern region’s relationship to the revolution was to see it as a disruption of the tourist trade Today everything’s is different, and not just in the South It’s important to understand what led to this shift. First, it’s not merely Morsi incompetence, stupidity and overreach that explain his epic collapse in support Revolutions in particular and social movements generally have ongoing dynamics within them One aspect of this in Egypt is that a politicized population emerged in the outbreak of the first revolution the flowering of dozens and dozens of newspapers of political discussion, of political protest and other activity of new trade unions All this means there’s now a political consciousness and a confidence for people to act After Morsi  bid to grab a greater share of power was pushed back, people were rightly worried about another attempt The Tamarod movement broke the dam by providing a vehicle by which the mass of the Egyptian population were able to make Morsi pay a political price for his actions Late last year, for example, in the midst of the controversy over his attempt to reinstate an emergency decree similar to the one enforced under the Mubarak regime, Morsi announced—in order to qualify for a loan from the International Monetary Fund—a series of cuts to basic subsidies that his government was planning to implement This wasn’t the brightest idea The people who were worried about the constitution were already pissed off with him and his grab for power But the very people who were the justification for grabbing power in order to create “stability in a new Egypt” were the victims of cuts to basic food subsidies which the majority of the population relies on Morsi quickly retreated because his advisers, his second-in-command and his own party denounced him, though largely for the stupidity of his timing, rather than the substance of what he did In another example of arrogance and stupidity, Morsi recently appointed 15 governors to rule various governorates—Egypt is divided into 27 governorates. The man he appointed to be the governor of Luxor belonged to a religious party called al Gama’a al-Islamiyya a right-wing Islamist party responsible for bomb attacks on ferryboats in Luxor This presents a bit of a problem Luxor is one of the prime tourist destinations in the world So if you appoint somebody responsible for bombing tourists, it doesn’t really help the tourist industry After the appointment the government  tourist minister resigned, saying he couldn’t continue under these circumstances MILITARY COUPS usually herald the defeat of the revolutionary process—they are often the most extreme representation of the counterrevolution. Does the military’s intervention to remove Morsi appoint a new president and promise new elections represent the victory of counterrevolution? ABSOLUTELY NOT, In every capitalist society and in every nation state in the world the military is the final arbiter, in a sense, of the rule of the class that’s in power or it’s the representative of one or another fraction or grouping within such a class Take, for example, the counterrevolution in Chile in 1973—September 11 of this year will mark the 40th anniversary Without going into the whole history, Chile had historically been run by right-wing political parties and a very strong military, with systematic intervention by U.S military forces always lurking in the background. In 1964, for example, the U.S government spent more money on Chile’s elections than was spent during the U.S presidential election of the same year With the 1970 election of Salvador Allende and a socialist government at least in name a mass movement erupted. This is when then-U.S Secretary of State Henry Kissinger famously said “I don’t see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves It was clear that Kissinger and the rest of the U.S. establishment intended to impose a military solution They waited, they sabotaged the economy, and they funneled money to different groups all in an attempt to undermine the Allende government At the end of the day the military coup took power and slaughtered 30,000 to 40,000 radicals to teach people a lesson about what is acceptable and what is not to the U.S government But it wasn’t until the waning phase of the movement that the army could intervene In Egypt the army didn’t intervene to help the revolutionary movement make bigger gains or radicalize further of course The aim was to contain the movement But in a certain sense this was also as an acknowledgement of the fact that the popular will of Egypt will not tolerate the Morsi government anymore So while the military is in the streets and has overstepped the constitutional limits to its power I believe that it will seek some means to quickly return power to a civilian authority I don’t think it wants to hold state power There is a crisis situation in the Egyptian economy and in Egyptian society that could lead to a much deeper radicalization in the demands of the movement. All over the country people are now organizing and fighting for rights that they feel have been taken from them That’s why I think it’s a mistake to talk about the role of the military in the abstract without taking into account what is actually happening on the ground. The Brotherhood strategy to re-establish order in Egypt was to use repression to end the constant strikes and demonstrations. They really did try to clamp down in cahoots with the army But even more than that Morsi and the Brotherhood began to use classic divide-and-rule strategies just as Mubarak tried before for example the campaign against Copts and stirring up of religious antagonisms with the infinitesimally small Shia population which is tiny even compared to the Copts who account for 10 percent of Egypt  population But it’s the same process in either case an attempt to use religion for social and political aims This has nothing to do with Islam as a religious doctrine which also angered many people Most Egyptians are Muslims, but that’s not the same as the program of political Islam or the Muslim Brotherhood, which has targeted Christians and women and minority Islamic currents in pursuit of political gains much in the way that Christian fundamentalists in the U.S have used “wedge issues” such as gay marriage and abortion rights to pursue a broader right-wing agenda On June 30 many of the youth who were in the forefront of the revolutionary struggle in 2011 and were the initiators of the Tamarod movement—again made it very clear that they took to the street to stand for all Egyptians, not for some Egyptians. The meaning of that has a deep progressive content Of course the army the Remnants and the liberal elements say “We’re all one” and “We all have the same interests.” But that’s not really the same as that sense of unity I’m talking about. When those who lead the movement and the revolutionaries who want change are saying, “We’re for all Egyptians,” they mean this as a solidarity among ordinary Egyptians—as opposed to “We represent Muslims only” In that sense it’s a way to say This revolution stands for the freedoms and rights of all of us not just some of us” That’s a tremendously important breakthrough—to return to this kind of impulse rather than sectarian violence and rivalry or the narrow pursuit of the interests of one or another political party OVER 50 years the Muslim Brotherhood built a base of support and a level of influence that enabled it to project itself into a position of political leadership after Mubarak’s fall. But in a year that has all come undone. What does this mean for the Brotherhood and for Egypt generally? IT’S DIFFICULT to predict anything First of all what will happen to the Muslim Brotherhood? It’s a force—it was the third force in Egyptian politics. If Egypt’s capitalist and political class was one pole and the army was another the Muslim Brotherhood was the third It would be leaned on for some things and it would be opposed on others Those three poles of influence still exist—and now the open question is about the state and who’s politically represented within it Then you have the remnants of the old regime the Remnants who are organizing as well But because of the dictatorial conditions under Mubarak none of these forces are clearly and well organized into political groupings There really is a lack of legitimacy for any number of those groups So one of the things I foresee is a flurry of new parties and new alliances as there was a year and a half ago when the previous political system took shape But I also think that people have learned an awful lot from what they did or didn’t do during that time I think that the most important challenge will be finding some way to give political and organizational expression to aspects of the movement The aim here is not simply to campaign for office at the presidential or parliamentary level, but for organizations to contest for political space right now and to make sure that the movement isn’t pushed back I think the coming months in Egypt will be very interesting to follow and full of surprises

May 29, 1944 – Birthday of Maurice Bishop


May 29, 1944 – Birthday of Maurice Bishop Grenadian leader

Bishop was a Grenadian revolutionary in the New Jewel Movement who became Prime Minister of the People’s Revolutionary Government of Grenada with the 1979 revolution Bishop was killed in 1983 in an internal struggle in the revolutionary movement. Days later, the U.S. took advantage of the situation to invade Grenada and overthrow the revolutionary government, returning Paul Scoon to power, who had been appointed Governor General of Grenada by the U.K.’s Queen Elizabeth II in 1978

(in image: Maurice Bishop with Nicaraguan Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega and Cuban leader Fidel Castro)


in many respects when we ask the question

in many respects when we ask the question today about the relevance of Socialism to black people we have already reached a minority position as it were Many of those engaged in the debate present the debate as though Marxism is a European phenomenon and black people responding to it must of necessity be alienated because the alienation of race must enter into the discussion They seem not to take into account that already that methodology and that ideology have been utilised internalised domesticated in large parts of the world that are not European That it is already the ideology of eight hundred million Chinese people that it is already the ideology which guided the Vietnamese people to successful struggle and to the defeat of imperialism That it is already the ideology which allows North Korea to transform itself from a backward quasi-feudal quasi-colonial terrain into an independent, industrial power That it is already the ideology which has been adopted on the Latin American continent and that serves as the basis for development in the Republic of Cuba That it is already the ideology which was used by Cabral which was used by Samora Machel which is in use on the African continent itself to underline and underscore struggle and the construction of a new society

The Move Organization is a Black Liberation group


The Move Organization is a Black Liberation group from Philadelphia started by John Africa in 1972 According to the group the word MOVE is not an acronym It means exactly what it says MOVE, work, generate, be active Their philosophy is everything that’s alive moves and If it didn’t, it would be stagnant, dead. Movement is their principle of Life. Self Defense is also one of their principles of life and On May 13, 1985 they definitely showed that The confrontation began when police came to their house over 100 strong with guns aimed and demanded the MOVE members come outside Still angry from the 1978 confrontation with police which resulted in 9 MOVE members being sentenced to 30 to 100 years in prison, they refused The police then began throwing tear gas and opening fire at the house The MOVE house had been built as a bunker and they began shooting back After hours of shooting the Police called for a helicopter and dropped a BOMB on the house Yup you read right The cops dropped a bomb in the middle of a neighborhood in Philly It’s Crazy how far America will go to subdue Black people After the bomb dropped 65 homes were destroyed and 11 people including 5 small children were killed As the survivors of the MOVE house began to surrender, police continued to open fire at them with automatic weapons One of the MOVE children actually ran into a burning house to avoid being shot by police She would later be found burned to death There is a great documentary that was released that illustrates the constant police brutality they faced and the bombing Today 35 years later the MOVE 9 like many other black political prisoners continue to sit in Prison and each year they are denied the right to parole In a system that has always been so hell bent against us one must wonder When Will We Overcome?
Revolution starts with the individual It starts with a person making a personal commitment to do what’s right You can’t turn someone into a revolutionary by making them chant slogans or wave guns To understand revolution you must be sound Revolution is not imposed upon another it is kindled within them A person can talk about revolution but if they are still worshiping money or putting drugs into their body they obviously haven’t committed themselves to doing what’s right Revolution is not a philosophy it is an activity